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"Bong Hits 4 Jesus" sends pro-pot message, says Court

Submitted by Pat on Mon, 06/25/2007 - 10:17am

Unsurprisingly, the Supreme Court today held in Morse v. Fredrick [pdf] that the message "Bong Hits 4 Jesus," when written on a poster, advocates or promotes illegal drug use. When such a message is conveyed at a school or a school event, the school has the right to prohibit such advocacy and to discipline students who hold up such a banner.

I never had a lot of sympathy for this kid, Joseph Fredrick, and the Court's decision today illustrates why. Besides the basic argument that students have a First Amendment right to speak at school in support of illegal drug use, Fredrick made two much more ridiculous arguments. First, he claimed that this wasn't really a school function, so it was wrong to apply the code of student conduct to him. Second, he claimed that he wasn't really advocating drug use, anyway.

As Chief Justice Roberts said: "we agree with the superintendent that Frederick cannot 'stand in the midst of his fellow students, during school hours, at a school-sanctioned activity and claim he is not at school.'" (slip op., p. 9). Frederick and his classmates were on a school-sponsored field trip. The band and cheerleaders performed. Teachers and administrators stood amidst the students to supervise them. They were directly across the street from the school itself. Only a bright, obnoxious, too-clever-by-half teenager (or his lawyers) would have the gall to try to say he wasn't "at school" and thus the normal rules don't apply.

Frederick's next too-clever-by-half claim was that he wasn't advocating drug use. No, he said, "the words were just nonsense meant to attract television cameras." (slip op., p. 9). Malarkey. Any kid over the age of 12 who knows the word "bong" at all knows exactly what it means. To deny an understanding of his own obvious message is to refuse to accept responsibility for his actions. Frederick claims he just held up the sign to try to get on TV. That may be true, but he knew exactly what those words meant and why it might get him on TV. To call them "nonsense words" is to rationalize.

I also suspect his motives because he, alone among his banner co-conspirators, refused to take down the banner after the principal ordered him to. I knew some rebellious kids in my own school days. If they were just goofing off to get on TV, they would have pulled the banner down the second they were about to get in trouble for it. Not a moment before mind you, but the once they were told to by a teacher or principal, they would have been scared into compliance. Refusal to take down the banner suggests to me that he intended to make a point and had planned to defy the principal ahead of time.

The Court held that a school may prohibit the advocacy of illegal acts while the children are in their care. The vote was 5-4 for that position but 6-3 for the result (Justice Breyer dissented from the reasoning, preferring to resolve the case through qualified immunity). The meat of the Court's holding is here:

The 'special characteristics of the school environment,' Tinker, 393 U. S., at 506, and the governmental interest in stopping student drug abuse reflected in the policies of Congress and myriad school boards, including JDHS, allow schools to restrict student expression that they reasonably regard as promoting illegal drug use. Tinker warned that schools may not prohibit student speech because of 'undifferentiated fear or apprehension of disturbance' or 'a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.' The danger here is far more serious and palpable. The particular concern to prevent student drug abuse at issue here, embodied in established school policy extends well beyond an abstract desire to avoid controversy. (slip op., p. 17, internal citations omitted)

As Justice Alito concurred to highlight, the Court refused to justify Frederick's suspension on the grounds that the banner was "offensive." It was only the promotion of dangerous drug abuse which justified the school's curtailment of Frederick's speech:

Petitioners urge us to adopt the broader rule that Frederick's speech is proscribable because it is plainly 'offensive' as that term is used in Fraser. We think this stretches Fraser too far; that case should not be read to encompass any speech that could fit under some definition of 'offensive.' After all, much political and religious speech might be perceived as offensive to some. The concern here is not that Frederick's speech was offensive, but that it was reasonably viewed as promoting illegal drug use. (slip op., p. 17, internal citations omitted)

Presumably, then, Frederick would have been within his rights to hold up a "God hates fags" sign.

My own opinion is summed up by Justice Thomas (slip op., p. 19), who states his belief that Tinker was wrongly decided. It was Tinker which first applied the First Amendment almost, but not quite, whole-hog to schools. I agree with Justice Thomas that "the history of public education suggests that the First Amendment, as originally understood, does not protect student speech in public schools." I'll leave the history lessons to Justice Thomas, but I'd also like to discuss the policy grounds.

The purpose of schools is to educate the students. At some point, education must teach children the difference between some truths and some falsehoods, must teach the children the difference between facts that are correct and facts that are wrong. At a minimum, a student cannot have a free speech right to insist that 2+2=5. It is the proper role of the school to correct him, teach him that is wrong, by insisting that when given the question "what is 2+2", he writes down "4" rather than "3" or "5."

That's not true outside of the realm of the classroom. I have a free speech right to say untrue things. I can argue that 2+2=5 to my heart's content, print it on banners, wear it on a t-shirt, take out nutty little ads about the conspiracy against 2+2=5 in the back of Popular Science... but not as a student in school. A school that is prohibited from punishing its students (say, by giving bad grades) for speaking untruths would be failing its students most profoundly.

So we see that there is necessarily a different relationship between schools and the adult world when it comes to the First Amendment. The question then becomes what rules should apply to the school, what speech rights children maintain despite the unique charge we give to our schools.

The question immediately becomes more difficult when we move out of the hard sciences and math to history and social studies. In the U.S., I have the right to deny the Holocaust (I would never do that, but I have the right). But if there's a question about the Holocaust on a true/false test, may a school mark the answer wrong if the student chooses "false", and thus denies the Holocaust occurred?

I think most of this should be left to the sound judgment of the schools, not the courts. A school should be able to punish a kid for promoting drug use. It's wrong, it's against the message the schools quite properly teach our children, and so the school should be able to prohibit its students, and school events or on school grounds, from promoting that message. Likewise, "God hates fags" or even "I hate fags" (to remove any Establishment issue) is a rude, offensive message. A school should be free to help further the education of its charges by teaching them (and teaching sometimes involves punishment for those who refuse to learn the lesson) why such a message is inappropriate.

The preceding comes with the caveat that I think from a policy standpoint it should apply most strongly to elementary schools, begin to be somewhat relaxed in middle schools, and relaxed more in high schools (consistent with their slowly growing maturity). Universities, I think, deal with legal adults and thus the First Amendment applies in full force, except to the extent actually necessary to allow professors to grade papers.

While I agree with your

While I agree with your assessment here, Pat, my one concern about the ruling is its application outside the school environment and off school grounds. Correct me if I am wrong, but the placement of the banner and the displaying of it was not on school property. As a result, I am left to wonder where the educational environment ends and the real world begins.

-Matthew

Hey, Matthew!

The majority found, as did the courts below, that this was a school-sponsored event, held during school hours, with teachers and administrators present because the kids were there "officially." The dissent did not take issue with this point, although Frederick challenged that issue. He tried to claim he had skipped school and showed up at the event "on his own," but apparently the courts concluded that instead he was simply late to school and went directly to where the school-sponsored event was being held.

The opinion is based on the fact that it was indeed a school-sponsored event. Even if the courts got the facts wrong in this particular case, the legal ruling is still that this restriction on speech can only be applied in school and at school-sponsored events. Had this been on a Saturday or had he really truly skipped school with a couple of friends on his own and gone somewhere the school officials were not, then the outcome would surely have been different.

A Query

I haven't read the decision, but did they bring up the doctrine of in loco parentis* and base the decision on it? Seems to me that whether or not the event was on school grounds, if it was a school event and the kid was there, he falls under that umbrella of delegated parental authority.

I would think that was crucial to the decision.

[Latin-speak for "You're crazy to wanna be a parent." :-) ]

I don't recall those precise words...

The whole in loco parentis doctrine has largely gone by the way side, unfortunately. I don't believe the court used those precise words. But it was crucial to the opinion that it was in fact an official school event, essentially a field trip, though off school grounds.

OK, I checked via search,

OK, I checked via search, and Thomas brings it up 14 times in his concurrence, Alito twice in his. Though I didn't really read it other than a skim through those bits, it seemed that Thomas was applying it in his reasoning, and Alito was disputing whether it applied on the grounds that parents often had little choice but to utilize public schools.

That would make sense...

Because Thomas would indeed bring back that doctrine. The problem with Alito's suggestion about the doctrine is that, while some parents have little choice but public schools (would that they DID, via vouchers), depriving the school of the ability to act in loco parentis at all deprives those parents who DO want the schools to keep tighter reins on their children of the ability to do so.

tinkering with tinker

Pat, a few thoughts and questions, even as Bong Hits for Jesus slowly fades in the distance.

Has Tinker has been restricted to its facts, or have students' free speech rights survived? My sense is that while Tinker has not been reversed, it has effectively limited- in my view, as it should be. My confusion arises from a cable tv panelist who reached the opposite conclusion, commenting that Morse is a limited decision that doesn't much impact student free speech rights. How do you see it? Put it this way, had the sign read "legalize bong hits 4 jesus", would this have been protected speech under Morse?

My sense is that the Court would be much more comfortable granting a limited, quasi-free speech right to students, but it can't/won't come straight out and say that. So it ends up tinkering with Tinker.

Finally, I read at CNN that Frederick, now 24, was intentionally provoking his principal, who had previously taken action against him. Thus, his subjective intent had nothing to do with endorsing illegal drugs- it was founded in personal provocation. Ironic, as the Court relied so heavily on the importance of schools' anti-drug messages.

I think Tinker is still strong...

In fact, the more I ponder it, the less I think of the actual opinion in this case. It's quite Kennedy-esque, based far too much on specific facts in a case where the specific facts really aren't that clear or undisputed.

The only clear rule it offers is that schools can constitutionally prohibit advocacy of illegal drug use. But how to distinguish between advocacy of illegal drug use and advocacy of policy changes to make drug use legal (which the Court says is still protected), the Court provides no guidance.

Exactly, Pat. I'm unclear

Exactly, Pat. I'm unclear whether a "legalize pot" sign held by the same chap at the same event would be protected or not. My gut says no, but only as a matter of political strength (ie., the conservative wing wins) as opposed to sound legal reasoning. Moreover, as a policy matter, I don't think that student should have a constitutionally protected right to display a "legalize pot" banner. But Tinker says otherwise.

"Legalize pot" would be protected under today's judicial lineup.

There's no uncertainty with that one, kreiz. Alito (joined by Kennedy, which illustrates my growing unease with Alito) was one of the 5 votes for the majority, and his concurrence specifically said:

(b) it [the Morse opinion] provides no support
for any restriction of speech that can plausibly be interpreted as commenting on any political or social issue, including speech on issues such as ?the wisdom of the war on drugs or of legalizing marijuana for medicinal use.?

"Legalize pot" is certainly plausibly interpreted as a comment on the issue of the wisdom of legalizing marijuana for medicinal use. I note that I don't see how demanding that marijuana be legalized for "medicinal use" is any different, from a free speech standpoint, as demanding that it be legalized for "recreational use," but I'm sure Alito will enjoy being the new Kennedy, whose vote is sought by everybody to twist the law in some bizarre way.

the wisdom of Thomas

Hmm. Thomas' concurring opinion is making more and more sense to me.

One more thing- generally, I

One more thing- generally, I like Morse's endorsement of a principal's authority vis-a-vis a student's free speech right, given the practicalities of school administration. However, from the perspective of a principal (i.e., executive enforcement), I didn't think that Principal Morse exercised sound judgment in removing the sign & expelling Frederick. I'd like to think I would've ignored the sign and downplayed it as a meaningless prank- and not made a federal case out of it, so to speak.

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